During the twentieth century, cities placed economic expansion high on their agenda at the cost of social well-being and the environment. The social effects of this economic expansion include homelessness, exclusion, insecurity, criminality and loss of cultural identity. Furthermore, environmental effects such as bad air quality, pollution and low density urban sprawl arose. The economy changed from a national economy to city economies; a huge leap in scale causing local higher densities, traffic congestions and deterioration of infrastructure and living conditions in the built environments (van Nes, 2007).

 

In China, where Economic Reforms (Open Door Policy) where introduced in 1978, this change in economy had an enormous impact. Cities where Special Economic Zones (SEZ) where introduced, such as Shanghai and Shenzhen, changed in scale due to allowing foreign investments. Cities urbanised rapidly as many rural residents moved towards the city in search for jobs and happiness. Cities such as Shenzhen and Shanghai became wealthy, changing their housing market drastically. Was it once all owned by the government, the housing stock is now based on market forces and speculation. Migrants had no choice but to live in floating villages and illegal settlements. Moreover, the government bought out most private land owners to change their property into state-owned land. Since residential development was implemented to maximise profits for their investment, emphasis was put upon the construction of expensive private estates for the higher classes of society. This process changed the structure of cities and surrounding areas from traditional small scale housing, such as Hutongs, to large private estates for the rich (Hao, 2012). This process dramatically affected the use of public space and street life in large Chinese cities. Streets became anonymous spaces and public facilities where placed inside the walls of large housing complexes (Levitt, 2012). Due to the rise of anonymous streets and anonymous public spaces, insecure and crime oriented urban structures arose.

 

In the mid to late twentieth century, a renewed urban form began to appear in cities; gated communities and enclaves. Based on ancient and traditional forms, these new enclaves appeared primarily in the United States but were rapidly adopted by modern settlements in South America, South Africa and Asia. (Blakely and Snyder, 1997). Old neighbourhoods closed their streets, protecting their area and reducing traffic, transforming public space into

private realms. This phenomenon challenged not only the spatial conditions of the city, but also impinged upon social and organisational aspects (Grant and Mittelsteadt, 2004). A rather complicating factor is that the historical context of these enclaves differs in each country. Moreover, they are all linked to a global trend; to ensure safety and security for local citizens (Low, 2001). Chinese gated communities arose more than 3000 years ago, as status symbol to separate emperor from citizens and urban from rural citizens (Jin, 1993). However, current gated communities in China are based on the American model of security and prestige (Le Coix and Webster, 2006). But which impact does this new development have on urban configuration and social life in high-density Chinese cities?

 

The trend of gating is also visible in the city of Shenzhen. Shenzhen was an agriculture area the size of Flevoland in The Netherlands. Only 300.000 inhabitants lived here as farmers or fishermen. When in this area a SEZ was assigned in 1978, to compete with the economy of Hong Kong, the city rapidly grew. Starting from scratch most of the original villages were demolished and had to make way for new developments. Massive migration took off from the rural areas to Shenzhen. Shenzhen underwent a rapid economic growth, resulting in high land prices and higher wages for employees. The city focused on high rise, high density and upper class housing units to increase profits. The lack of proper social housing forced migrants to build their own houses or live in illegal (existing) settlements: tents, floating villages or urban villages (Mars and Hornsby, 2008). Urban villages are a very unique feature of Shenzhen. Majority of the migrants and lower social classes in the city are hosted by (illegal) settlements. They are situated in between wealthy gated communities, construction sites and important attractions in the city but are separated by rigid walls and security guards.

 

This thesis will focus on an urban village in Shenzhen named "Baishizhou". The following questions will be answered.

 

How can we change the urban configuration to:

• Enhance the interaction between different social classes?

• Overcome the social, physical and functional borders?

• Decrease anonymity and criminality?

• To avoid local displacement?

 

CLICK PICTURE FOR DETAILLED INFORMATION.